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Description
Toshiba 東芝 GR-RM352WI-PMA(53) 233公升 變頻三門雪櫃 (白色)595 0C TSmartLife Ag+ Bio 3 (35 ) 0C TSmartLife Ag+ Bio 3 6 R600a 257 169 64 246. 00 233 %35. 13 233 134 64 35 (xx)562 x 1778 x 595 58 LED 5
產品特色
- 纖薄機身設計:595 毫米機身深度,靈活適配不同廚房佈局,提升空間利用率。
- 變頻壓縮機:精準控制溫度,運行靜音且符合節能標準。
- 多功能變溫區:設有母嬰、0°C 及冰凍三種專業模式,靈活儲存不同食材。
- TSmartLife 智能控制:透過手機應用程式遠端調整溫度,並提供即時提醒。
- Ag+ Bio 銀離子抗菌酵素除臭系統:有效過濾異味並抑制細菌滋生,保持雪櫃內部空氣清新。
- 節能環保:符合能源效益標籤 3 級標準,有效降低用電成本。
詳細功能
多功能變溫區 (35 公升)
此區域提供三種模式以滿足特定儲存需求:母嬰模式確保嬰兒食品安全衛生;0°C 模式延長食材保鮮期且不結冰;冰凍模式則可強效冷凍食物以鎖住營養。
智能與抗菌系統
內置 TSmartLife 智能連接,用戶可隨時監控雪櫃狀態及食材期限。Ag+ Bio 系統利用銀離子技術主動分解異味,無需頻繁更換濾材,確保食材儲存於衛生環境中。
能源標籤資料
- 能源效益標籤:3級
- 類別:6
- 製冷劑:R600a
- 每年耗電量(千瓦小時):257
- 保鮮格容量(公升):169
- 冰格容量(公升):64
- 冷凍能力(公斤/24小時):6.00
- 額定總儲存容量(公升):233
- 能源消耗指數(%):35.13
- 產地:中國
產品規格
- 類型:三門雪櫃
- 壓縮機:變頻式
- 總淨容量:233 公升
- 冷藏室淨容量:134 公升
- 冷凍室淨容量:64 公升
- 多功能變溫區淨容量:35 公升
- 產品尺寸 (闊x高x深):562 x 1778 x 595 毫米
- 產品重量:58 公斤
- 控制面板:電子式控制
- 內部配置:活動式強化玻璃層架、內置 LED 照明燈、蔬果保鮮室、製冰格
- 保養:5 年原廠保養
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4.1 ★★★★★
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Product Reviews
★★★★★ 5
Great reference for college US History I & Ii.
Format: Paperback
My college course references this book for US History I & Ii at Temple College in Texas.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 21, 2022
★★★★★ 4
A useful study
Format: Hardcover
This is a book that will make you angry. If you are a conservative, this book should make you feel very guilty. It is important to begin with that this book is a detour from Keyssar's larger project, which was supposed to be a history of the American working class' electoral participation. After struggling with the work for several years he realized that he needed to publish a whole book explaining what the right to vote actually was in American history. The result is a history of the slow and uneven path to universal suffrage in American history. We learn about the existence of the vote before 1776, the improvement that occured with the revolution, and the larger improvement that occured with the Jeffersonian/Jacksonian period in which the large majority of white men were able to vote. At the same time we learn of efforts to counter the expanding suffrage, such as disfranchisement of free blacks all over the country before 1861, attacks on the voting rights of paupers, felons, migrants and aliens, as well as the disfranchisment in the early 1800s of the limited voting rights women had in the early 1800s. Keyssar then goes on to discuss the narrowing of the portals from the 1860s to the 1920s, periods ironically bounded by giving the vote to blacks in the 1870s and to women by the 1920s. But in between that period nearly all blacks and many whites were disenfranchised in the south, while literacy, residence, nationality and registration systems sought to limit the vote in the North (while "asiatics" were barred in the west). The book concludes with the successful passage of the Voting Rights Act and the twenty-sixth amendment, but also with low turnout, an extremely narrow political spectrum, and government structures which limit political participation and reinforce conservative values.
Much of this will not be new to historians, though never before has there been such detail and the twenty appendixes provided at the back will be invaluable for future reference. Sometimes Keyssar gives a qualititative estimate of how many Americans could vote (he suggests that perhaps 60% of white Americans could vote before 1776, a figure much lower than the 80-90% posited by more Panglossian historians). And there are many interesting details, such as the New York plan where registration was supposed to take place on Yom Kippur, conventiently leaving out many Jews. But otherwise the full results have been reserved for his upcoming work. This weakens his criticisms of American exceptionalism, since without a clear understanding of how much the vote declined in the North, we cannot see how fully the ponderous elitism of Parkman and Godkin were like the undemocratic aspects of German or Italian or even British liberalism. I am also do not agree with his description of slaves as a "peasantry." This implies that the majority of white farmers who were not slaveholders were a) not peasants and b) were otherwise indistinguishable on a class basis from the slaveholders. Recent southern agrarian history makes this assumption quite questionable. It is true that Americans were unenthusiatic as Europeans about the rise of the proletariat and rural subaltern classes, but it is insufficient to say that mass suffrage only occured because such classes were a small proportion of the population. They were also a small proportion of the population in France in 1848 and 1851 when universal male suffrage was declared, which did not prevent a greater degree of struggle over the question in that country. Enfranchising the majority of any population would raise serious issues of class domination and control regardless of the class structure. Nevertheless this is still a useful study, and reading the petty, racist, misogynist, self-serving and self-satisfied arguments against the suffrage will be a depressing experience. To think that such injustices could be continued for two centuries thanks to the endless cant of "state's rights" long after the republican content of that slogan had drained away will infuriate you.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 18, 2000
★★★★★ 5
Unfolding of the right to vote in the U.S.
In my forty years of studying the history of the U.S., I find this work to be the most authoritative and complete work yet encountered. Not only is the book a thorough guide through the evolution of our democracy, it is an entertaining read. The book is a 'must' read for those who seek a perspective on many of the current issues involving voting rights.
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Reviewed in the United States on November 4, 2006
★★★★★ 5
Typical for a casebook.
Format: Hardcover
I had to buy this for school. It’s overpriced and horrible to read but great for what I needed it for.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 29, 2019
★★★★★ 5
Good seller
Format: Hardcover
book in condition provided in description
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Reviewed in the United States on April 7, 2021
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